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The best essays in the book, unfortunately only a fifth of the total, are those written during the war, when Macdonald, with his remarkable eye for significant detail, illuminated the

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  #11  
Alt 24.07.09, 12:23
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Standart Cevap: İdeolojinin Sonu The end of ideology

The best essays in the book, unfortunately only a fifth of the total, are those written during the war, when Macdonald, with his remarkable eye for significant detail, illuminated the psychology of killing, the pathetic attempts to expiate guilt, the mock bravado of war. Perhaps the most extraordinary article that Politics ever published was the abridgement of Bruno Bettelheim's account, from the Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, of "Behavior in Extreme Situations.

The sense of fear that it evoked arose not from the descriptions of sadism in the concentration camps, but from the horrifying awareness that a victim, out of the deep, infantile, regressive aspects in one's own nature, would willingly take on the hideous mask, stance, and code of the brutes. Whatever we have heard subsequently about confessions, brainwashing, and the like, hardly matched the awesome revelation of those first disclosures.

Macdonald was more sensitive to these concerns because, as a pacifist, he was more alive to and horrified by these changes than those who justified the war; he was also influenced by Nicola Chiaramonte and other refugees who had had first-hand contact with these sickening events.

Yet, more fundamentally, this awareness derived from a singular innocence about politics. One of the accusations that Ortega y Gasset brought against liberalism, as Mrs. Judith Shklar reminds us in her interesting book After Utopia, is that it forgot the violence inherent in politics. Ortega's indictment derived from the liberaI's inability to understand the "fierce nature of the State," which, owing to the Hobbesian need to maintain order, must rule by threat against all. (And it followed for Ortega that all political activity was degrading, especially for the intellectual, whose vocation the desire for truth brought him into opposition to the politician, with his need for expediency, compromise, and myths.)

Macdonald's fall from innocence came in the horrifying realization that violence and the drive for dominationmwas a craving in man, and, following Hannah Arendt, that modern society had become a bureaucratized apparatus for periodically, and necessarily, evoking and suppressing such violence. And since the indictment of innocence could be leveled against radicalism as well, politics and Politics had to come to an end.
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  #12  
Alt 24.07.09, 12:24
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Standart Cevap: İdeolojinin Sonu The end of ideology

There remains the difficult question far beyond the scope of this essay of how true such a theory is. These political images are conceptions that derive from "heroic" and ultimately romantic images of life and man's place in it.

To see politics on the more mundane, and civil, level of reconciling diverse interests may be naive. But this has been the British experience and, McCarthy apart, that of America, too. We do not live "at extremes" (and when we do, as in popular culture, this represents vicarious violence, not real experience, and is perhaps a useful displacement). That is why, perhaps, we have avoided some of the extreme ideological conflicts that wrecked Europe.

Apart from the apathy of the fat fifties, one reason, perhaps, why Politics could not last is that it drew from alien experiences. Is the fabric of American life strong enough to resist such rents as occurred in Europe? Did the war really leave us unmarked? It is the merit of Dwight Macdonald's Memoirs that he forces us once again to confront such desperate questions.
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  #13  
Alt 24.07.09, 12:25
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Standart Cevap: İdeolojinin Sonu The end of ideology

Dissent in the fifties

Dissent is one of the few cultural periodicals in the United States avowing socialist politics and radical in its criticism of contemporary culture. It is, like Universities and Left Review in England and Arguments in France, at odds with the doctrinaire interpretation of orthodox Marxism, and at one with the search for a new socialist humanism. But in important respects the differences are greater than the similarities.

Universities and Left Review arose out of the ferment in the Communist world following the Khrushchev admissions that the Stalin regime had criminally murdered thousands of innocent Communists. Arguments' came into being after the 1956 events in Poland and Hungary, and, in its intense philosophical absorption, reflects the revisionist discussions that have taken place in Eastern Europe. Dissent, five years older than the other two, was rounded largely by individuals who had left the Trotskyite movement a few years before (the "class of 1950"), and who were long schooled in the doctrinal debates of Marxist exegetics.

The difference in origin accounts for the differences in tone and content. The first two are products of the fifties, cut off from the past by the war and the tales of their tired elders; the latter is an echo of the thirties, repeating, in mournful anger, the concerns and debates of the past.

Universities and Left Review and Arguments represent a new generation with all the earnestness and questing freshness of the young; Dissent is a magazine of the epigone, the after-born, jejune, and weary. Universities and Left Review and Arguments are intense, frenetic, naive, bursting out with a new sense of autodidact wonder about theoretical issues that had been wrangled over by the Left twenty years before; Dissent is querulous, scornful, magisterial, sectarian, yet infinitely more sophisticated.
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  #14  
Alt 24.07.09, 12:27
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Standart Cevap: İdeolojinin Sonu The end of ideology

These differences in style caricature, as extreme statements are wont to do, the gulf between European and American radicalism. It is not only that America has become an affluent society, offering place (in the universities and in the publishing houses) and prestige (if not in the society as a whole, certainly in the universities and the publishing houses) to the onetime radicals and it is interesting to note that the two chief editors of Dissent, Irving Howe and Lewis Coser, are university professors but American radicalism had, intellectually, long ago disposed of the very questions that rack the serious European Left today.

It is that fact as well as the one that American society, through the modifications introduced by Roosevelt and Truman, belied Marxist predictions of "fascism and collapse" which explains much of the difference in intellectual atmosphere between the two continents.

This is a seeming paradox. Europe, in legend, has always been the home of subtle philosophical discussion; America was the land of grubby pragmatism. Questions laid to rest in Europe found their reincarnation (an old quip had it) twenty years later in the United States. Whatever the truth of the remark once, the reverse is true today. Take any of the questions that in the last five years have preoccupied Sartre and Camus in France, Wolfgang Harich in East Germany, Kolakowski in Poland--the questions of ends and means, of class truth, the meaningfulness of dialectic materialism as a scientific construct, the definition of a workers' State, party democracy, the nature of bureaucracy, the relationship of literature to propaganda, the mixed economy and you will find that these were thrashed out more than twenty years ago by Sidney Hook, Ernest Nagel, Lewis Corey, Edmund Wilson, Philip Rahv, John Dewey, and dozens of others in the pages of Partisan Review, the New International, and the New Leader.

It is not that these men had greater theoretical acumen than Marxists in Europe, many of whom, individually (most notably Ignazio Silone, in Bread and Wine), had explored these same problems. But while in Europe only a small number of intellectuals left the Communist orbit before the war, in the United States almost the entire group of serious intellectuals who had been attracted to Marxism had broken with the Communist party by 1940. Thus, as an intellectual problem, Bolshevism disappeared from the American scene almost twenty years ago.
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  #15  
Alt 24.07.09, 12:33
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Standart Cevap: İdeolojinin Sonu The end of ideology

The sociological reasons for these differences in behavior are varied. Being 3,000 miles from Europe, the American radicals were not caught up in the immediate political struggles of fascism--and the possibility of having to become refugees so there was less reason to suppress the political doubts which had been fired by the Moscow Trials and the Nazi-Soviet Pact. In the United States, moreover, the Communist party never had a large following in the labor movement, so there was no emotional force the party could use to hold the intellectuals.

As a result of such flee-spiritedness, the basic political drift of the former Left intelligentsia in the United States in the forties and fifties has been anti-ideological that is to say, skeptical of the rationalistic claim that socialism, by eliminating the economic basis of exploitation, would solve all social questions; and to a great extent this anti-rationalism is the source of the intellectual vogue of Freudianism and neo-orthodox theology (i.e., Reinhold Niebuhr and Paul Tillich), with their anti-rational stoicism.

Moreover, the American intellectuals found new virtues in the United States because of its pluralism, the acceptance of the Welfare State, the spread of education, and the expanding opportunities for intellectual employment. And, in the growing Cold War, they accepted the fact that Soviet Russia was the principal threat to freedom in the world today. These political attitudes were reflected largely in the pages of Partisan Review, Commentary, and the New Leader, the three magazines, and the writers grouped around them, that originally made up the core of the American Committee for Cultural Freedom.

On the academic level, these re-evaluations called into question the populist basis of American radicalism and argued that the political conflicts of the fifties, such as McCarthyism, were more fruitfully explained by sociological concepts such as "status anxiety" than by the more conventional notions of class or interest group conflicts. The changes in intellectual temper can be seen in Lionel Trilling's The Liberal Imagination, Richard Hofstadter's The Age of Reform, Edward Shils' The Torment of Secrecy, and the various essays on "McCarthyism" in The New American Right, edited by this writer.

It was in this context of the breakup of the old Left, and in reaction to these re-evaluations, that Dissent arose. Its targets were those who were calling the old radical cliches into question, and the internal debate was carried on, as it has usually been in the United States, in that large, exotic cauldron that is the New York intellectual world. While Dissent talked of the conformism of American society, and the need for "new ideas," there was little path-breaking thought on radicalism.

"What Shall We Do?" asks one of the editors, Lewis Coser, in a programmatic essay. "Above all, it would seem to me," says editor Coser, the radical "must be concerned with maintaining, encouraging, fostering the growth of the species 'radical.' If it becomes extinct, our culture will inevitably ossify from want of challenge." But challenge to what? Radical about what? Dissent attacked Partisan Review and Commentary for not being radical. But, other than attacking these magazines, there was little in Dissent itself that was new; it never exemplified what it meant by radicalism; and it has not been able, especially in politics, to propose anything.

İletişim kuram ve araştırma dergisi
Sayı 24 Kış-Bahar 2007, s. 281-293

Daniel Bell

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